GHMC Polls: Why This Civic Poll Is Part of BJP’s Hindutva Project

Aditya Menon
·6-min read

With BJP invoking "Jinnah" and calling for "surgical strikes on Hyderabad" in its speeches and deploying top leaders like party chief JP Nadda, Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath, and several central ministers in its campaign, it has become difficult to believe that it's just a civic election that's being fought in Hyderabad.

The question is - why has BJP raised the stakes so much in an election to a civic body like the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC)?

There are two elements to this:

  • BJP's battle in Hyderabad

  • BJP's expansion in Telangana

Battle for Hyderabad

Capturing Hyderabad isn't just an electoral battle for the BJP, it's an ideological one.

For many in the Hindutva family, the very existence of Hyderabad is a matter of contestation. From Hyderabad’s name - BJP wants it renamed as Bhagyanagar - to its most iconic monument, the Charminar, are contested by Hindutva forces.

Also Read: GHMC Polls: Telangana Police Warns Against Hateful Speeches

And in this worldview, there is a very clear adversary for Hindutva in Hyderabad - Asaduddin Owaisi's the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM). Far from being a B-Team of the BJP, the AIMIM is a deeply reviled by Hindutva outfits and this is evident in the language used by BJP leaders against Owaisi in this campaign.

"A vote for Owaisi is a vote for Mohammad Ali Jinnah," BJP's 'youth face' Tejasvi Surya said at a public meeting in Hyderabad.

The party even linked AIMIM to Osama Bin Laden.

Now why is AIMIM so reviled by Hindutva outfits?

Hindutva outfits see "Hyderabad" in civilisational terms - as an enclave of Muslim domination in the Deccan that survived the Maratha period and British Rule as well.

"“It’s because people vote for Owaisi in Hyderabad that he is able to contest in Bihar. It’s important to defeat him here”." - BJP MP Tejasvi Surya

This domination was supposed to have been broken with the annexation of Hyderabad and that did happen for a few years. But it changed with the revival of AIMIM in the late 1970s and its continued domination of the Old City's politics in the following four decades.

Now with Majlis expanding into Maharashtra and Bihar, there is a drive in the Hindutva camp to crush it on its home turf.

Tejasvi Surya summed up this sentiment when he said, "It's because people vote for Owaisi in Hyderabad that he is able to contest in Bihar. It's important to defeat him here".

Also Read: Can Owaisi’s AIMIM Emerge as Voice of Muslims in West Bengal & UP?

Expansion in Telangana

The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) established its rule as the result of a social movement for a separate Telangana state. History has shown that its not easy to dislodge those who have captured power riding on social movements.

Trinamool Congress' capture of power in Bengal riding on the Nandigram and Singur agitations and AAP's success in Delhi following the Jan Lokpal movement are two recent examples. But TRS embodies this even more directly as it has benefitted from a bigger and older movement.

The BJP understands that the TRS can't be dislodged unless an ideological battle is waged against it, questioning the very idea of Telangana that it stands for.

The Idea of Telangana

Hindutva outfits see Telangana as the result of Hindus’ resistance to a Muslim ruler - the Nizam and the need for revival of the “glory” of the “pre-Muslim” period.

But the TRS's idea of Telangana can be traced back to the 1952 protests against non-Mulkis, the 1969 agitation for a separate state and the formation of the Telangana Praja Samithi, and finally the 2011 protests in which TRS itself played a key role.

TRS sees the history of Telangana not in Hindu vs Muslim terms, but as product of Kakatiya, Qutbshahi and Asaf Jahi rule.

This is not surprising as the Velama caste that CM K Chandrashekar Rao comes from, were landed elites who held influence through most of these dynasties.

The TRS's narrative stands in opposition not just to the BJP's narrative but also that of the Left whose view of Telangana is shaped by the 1946 peasant uprising against Nizam Rule.

The AIMIM's vision is linked to that of the TRS but with a strong thrust on protection of the interests of Muslims.

Throughout the campaign BJP has accused TRS of being a proxy of AIMIM, in effect labelling it as "pro-Muslim" and "anti-Hindu".

The idea is to win over the TRS' Telugu speaking Hindu votes, while also restricting the Old City contests to a straight battle with AIMIM.

Why GHMC Matters

Besides the symbolic importance of Hyderabad discussed above, the GHMC is critical to capture power in Telangana as well.

Also Read: BJP Appoints National Secy Bhupender Yadav as GHMC Polls In-charge

The GHMC includes as many as 24 Assembly constituencies, which is about one-fifth of the total number of constituencies in Telangana. The boundaries of the GHMC are spread across four Lok Sabha seats: Seven Assembly segments each from the Hyderabad and Secunderabad Lok Sabha seats, five segments from Malkajgiri, three from Chevella and one from Medak. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP led in seven out of 24 segments.

BJP has traditionally been strong in the Secunderabad Lok Sabha constituency, having won it five times in the last three decades.

However, in the other seats, it had been historically dependent on its erstwhile ally Telugu Desam Party.

The decline of the TDP and Congress in the GHMC area has opened up space for the BJP.

To some extent, the TRS is to blame for this as well. Besides populist measures and KCR's popularity, the TRS has also maintained its power by destroying the Opposition. The TRS has gained from mass defections from the Congress.

Congress had won 19 seats in the 2018 Assembly polls, now only 6 MLAs remain. Some like A Revanth Reddy and Uttam Kumar Reddy were elected to Parliament but most of the others defected to TRS.

The Opposition has been rendered so irrelevant that even the leader of Opposition in the Telangana Assembly is Akbaruddin Owaisi from TRS's informal ally AIMIM.

KCR is also paying the price for not taking on BJP at the Centre. The party has helped BJP pass several key legislations either by voting in favour or abstaining.

It may have been an error for KCR to assume that this neutrality on national matters may insulate him from BJP's expansion. Clearly that didn't happen. And now BJP has arrived at his doorstep. The party won four seats in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, including the seat held by KCR's daughter and now it threatens TRS's hold over GHMC. The BJP’s rise is evident in its victory in the recent bypoll in Dubbak, where it was non-existent until a few years back.

It is clear that the BJP would stop at nothing in its mission to expand, even it means communalising a municipal campaign or deploying its topmost leaders in a local battle. Question is whether TRS changes its approach and becomes more combative towards the BJP.

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